Pakistani army challenge and Roots of instability

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Pakistan has been going through various developments for the past several days. On 26 October (Monday), the Pakistani Parliament passed a resolution against French President Emmanuel Macron making 'anti-Islam statements'. Attempts to show religious solidarity in the name of Islam came at a time when opposition parties and the Sindh police against the Pakistan Army and the intelligence agency ISI blew up a revolt. Is it possible that the unity of the opposition parties will bring a new dawn of democracy in Pakistan and after the police rebellion, the influence of the army there will gradually end? The answer lies in two facts. First, the politics of Pakistan is dominated by mullahs and clerics. Second, the ideological establishment and stability of this Islamic country are contradictory. It is not hidden from anyone that Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan is 'elected' less by the public, more 'established' by the army. Against them, 11 opposition parties have formed an alliance called the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM).


The furor escalated when Nawaz Sharif's son-in-law Muhammad Safdar was arrested by the Karachi police at midnight on 18-19 October, breaking the door of his room in the hotel. At that time he was with his wife Maryam. Safdar was accused of violating the sanctity of Jinnah's tomb. It was revealed that the army had kidnapped a Sindh police officer and pressurized him to arrest Safdar. Whatever happened after that, the army and Imran Khan government were probably not aware of it. In protest, many of the Sindh police officers went on leave and took to the streets against policemen, army, and ISI. When the army could not tolerate this unexpected rebellion, it opened fire on the demonstrators, killing 10 policemen.


This is not the first time a rebellion against the military has taken place in Pakistan. In the year 2007 too, there was a tussle between the then military dictator Pervez Musharraf and Judge Iftikhar Chaudhary. In fact, this instability has its roots in the civilizational duality in which Pakistan is attempting to distance itself from its original Hindu-Buddhist cultural identity and define itself as a Middle East Asian country. A clear example of this contradiction is also the speech of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, which he gave while addressing the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on 11 August 1947. He said, 'Every person in Pakistan will be free to go to temple and mosque or any other place of worship. Religion, caste, and creed of a person will not mean anything to the state. ' In fact, this omnipotent harmony-like outbreak of Jinnah may have been a result of the rites of his Hindu ancestors, which had no place in Pakistan born on the concept of 'Kafir-Kufr'.


This idea of ​​Jinnah was also against the 'two-nation theory', which was fed with hatred for sitting with Hindus in the democratic system of independent India, which had the feeling of ruling over the defeated Hindus for 600 years. That is why in 1949 the policymakers of Pakistan adopted the 'Shari'a. In the early decades of politics, neither Jinnah considered himself the leader of the Muslims nor did the Muslims lead him. It probably has its roots in his personal life and family history. Jinnah's grandfather Premjibhai Meghji Thakkar was a Hindu, who belonged to the Lohana community in Paneli village, Kathiawar in Gujarat. Since Lohana was a pure vegetarian community, the society boycotted Premjibhai's fish trade. Premjibhai's son (Jinnah's father) Punjalal Thakkar opposed it and embraced Islam.

But he never got his children educated according to Islamic beliefs. The effect of this was that the way of life that Jinnah adopted was anti-Islam. For example, Jinnah used to consume sugar-meat and alcohol. Jinnah married Ratanbai Petit of the Parsi community, who remained free from Islamic bonds. Dina, the only daughter of the duo, married Parsi industrialist Neville Wadia and described India as their homeland after partition. Dina went to Pakistan for the first and last time only in September 1948 on the death of her father. The descendants of the well-to-do Wadia family still live in Mumbai.

Pakistan's ideological hollowness is also seen in its national anthem. Jinnah composed the national anthem for an Urdu song written by Hindu-origin Urdu poet Jagannath Azad. Now since it was written by a 'Kafir' Hindu, it was strongly opposed by the common people from the Pakistani leadership. As a result, it was banned within a short period of time and a unicorn tune was played as the national anthem when needed. In 1954, the song written in Persian by Hafiz Jalandhari ensured that it was made an official national anthem. The official national language of this Islamic country is Urdu and English. Apart from this, there are languages ​​spoken in Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Baluchi, Saraiki, etc. Yet 'Qomi-Tarana' is written in that foreign Persian language, which has a limited number of speakers in Pakistan. In this, only the word 'Ka' is used in the name of Urdu. The tragedy of Pakistan is also reflected in the jumble, which I have heard from the face of most Pakistanis. Every country has an army, but Pakistan is one of the exceptions in which the army has the entire country. The reason for his instability is in his religious DNA.